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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relationship between stock price volatility (SPV) and dividend policy of industrial products firms listed on Bursa Malaysia.

The sample comprises 166 industrial products public-listed firms covering a time span from year 2003 to 2012. Using Baskin’s framework, firm’s SPV is related to dividend payout, controlling for earnings volatility, firm size, leverage and growth of assets. Further, the impact of the global financial crisis on the relationship between SPV and the tested variables is examined.

Earning volatility significantly explains SPV of industrial product firms during the crisis period, while dividend payout ratio (PR) predominantly influences volatility during pre- and post-crisis sub-periods. The empirical results indicate that dividend policy is a strong predictor of SPV of industrial products firms in Malaysia, particularly during the post-crisis period.

The paper explores the firm’s SPV and dividend policy for a new set of data focussing on industrial products firms listed on the Malaysian Stock Exchange.

This article discusses the reasons and discourses adopted by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government (Hong Kong SAR Government), with Mr Tung Chee Hwa as the Chief Executive, in preparing young people to become more mature and responsible. In the Hong Kong context this means they should be willing to fulfil community obligations and opt for consultation rather than confrontation should individual or community rights be sought. Confucianism, named after Confucius (551‐479 BCE), has been and still is a vast and complicated system of philosophies, morals, rituals, and ideas, which for well over 2,000 years has informed and inspired the thinking and practice of countless people in Chinese societies and Asian countries in all important areas, including the economy and the polity (Tu, 1998a; Berthrong & Berthrong, 2000; Yao, 2002). Put simply, the goal of Confucian life is to create a peaceful world, with its ethical emphasis placed on the cultivation of the self and the promotion of harmonious and respectful relations with other people in different spheres of human activities.

Hong Kong was particularly affected by the 2003 outbreak of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS). During the epidemic, it seemed as if the Hong Kong government and health system were barely coping, leading to calls of mismanagement and governance incapacity. In the wake of the SARS outbreak, two inquiries were conducted. The purpose of this article is to review the Hong Kong's response to SARS from the perspective of two inquiries.

An historical analysis of the institutional arrangements for health care delivery in Hong Kong is undertaken, followed by a chronology of developments in the SARS outbreak. The article then reviews outbreak management and the findings of the two inquiries. Finally, it considers whether the Hong Kong health system can be reformed to manage any future infectious disease epidemic better.

Both leadership and coherency were lacking in Hong Kong's response to SARS. These are age‐old problems in the Hong Kong health sector. The prospects for mending the health system appear limited, given that leadership and coherency have been consistently absent features of post‐1997 governance in Hong Kong.

This article reviews events in the immediate period following the SARS outbreak. A future follow‐up study of the Hong Kong government and health system's capacity to respond to infectious disease outbreaks would be useful.

This article provides a review that will be useful to policymakers and researchers.

No other article reviews the Hong Kong health system's SARS response.

This chapter discusses the social mobility and the political consequences of three education events in Hong Kong: the extension of free and compulsory schooling in 1978, the construction of universities after the Tiananmen repression amid popular unrest, and the creation of two-year degree programs after Hong Kong became a Special Administrative Region. The chapter shows the repercussions of these events for civil society organizations and political parties. The chapter first reviews the historical context for state-society relations created by the current Special Administrative Region and the former British Crown Colony. It presents two alternative perspectives on the impact of higher education for civic development and social mobilization, perspectives rooted in neo-functionalist and in neo-Weberian sociologies of education. Next, the chapter discusses the actors and agents of political change in Hong Kong. Inferences are drawn about the social integration of new immigrants from Mainland China, as well as the opportunities for women and for lower-income students, based on analysis of 35 years of Hong Kong Census data (1971–2006). The chapter concludes by raising questions about the future ability of governments and parties to define the postsecondary policy agenda, an agenda that now threatens to escape from government control and become a flash-point of popular mobilization.

After the handing over of Hong Kong sovereignty from 1997 and under the “one country two systems” model, the Special Administrative Region's Government initiated new policies of civic education and amended or ignored the old ones. However, it was not until May 2011 that the complete new policy paper was introduced for consultation and then it was passed and issued as national education in April 2012. This article aims to analyze the civic education policy of Hong Kong in the transfer of power after the handing over in the following 15 years.

This policy analysis describes the preparations for Hong Kong’s future citizens and masters. Theories of citizenship education are adopted for this analysis. Moreover, theories of the state are also applied for more in‐depth understanding. These concepts are helpful to operationalize the contents of the study. It was a historical and comparative method to help to understand and explain the civic education policy of the HKSAR's governance.

Basically, it can be seen that the policies are anticipatory and responsive. The historical context of Hong Kong helped to make the correspondence with how the government expected to mold its future citizens in order to facilitate and implement their administration and governance.

This paper explores the role of the Hong Kong Government in the initiation and implementation of civic education.

In 1969, the annual per capita income of Singapore was $650. By 1981, Singapore's gross national product per capita was $5,240. Such productivity placed this small developing state among the very wealthiest non‐OPEC developing countries of the world, with an unequalled 1960–82 average annual growth rate of 7.4 per cent. During the decade to 1982, real per capita GNP grew by an average of 9.2 per cent each year. In 1982, gross domestic product amounted to $14 billion. In 1983, Singaporean real GNP grew by 7.2 per cent, a performance matched only by Hong Kong and Taiwan. Unemployment was held to a level of 2.3 per cent and inflation to an even more modest 1.1 per cent. Singapore also achieved the highest national savings rate in the world, at 42 per cent of GDP. These trends produced a 1985 GNP per capita of $7,420, larger than those of Italy, Ireland, Spain, Greece, Portugal and New Zealand; and not much less than those of either Belgium or Britain (World Bank, 1987, p. 203). If the nation's GDP contracted by 1.9 per cent in 1985, it resumed expansion thereafter, at an inflation‐adjusted rate of 1.8 per cent in 1986, and 8.6 per cent in 1987 (Wall Street Journal, 1988, p. 12).

Hong Kong’s public sector reform since the 1990s is not just a continuation of an administrative reform trajectory started in colonial years to modernize the civil service. Although concerns for efficiency, productivity and value for money have always formed part of the reform agenda at different times, an efficiency discourse of reform is insufficient for capturing the full dynamics of institutional change whether in the pre-1997 or post-1997 period. During Hong Kong's political transition towards becoming an SAR of China in 1997, public sector reform helped to shore up the legitimacy of the bureaucracy. After 1997, new political crises and the changing relations between the Chief Executive and senior civil servants have induced the advent of a new “public service bargain” which gives different meaning to the same NPM-like measures

This paper seeks to document the strategies and initiatives developed in a major Asian academic library, aiming to enhance the library's role in promoting knowledge exchange and community wellbeing.

The paper examines the library's role in knowledge exchange at the university. It highlights a series of initiatives undertaken by the library that serve to promote community access to collections, services and special events. It also introduces ways in which the library has reached out to the local, regional and international communities.

The success of the initiatives is demonstrated in many ways including the devoted commitment to making information available to the public at both university and library level, extended access to the library resources and services, active public participation in the special events and the library's increased visibility and leadership in the local, regional and international communities.

While many of the initiatives have been innovative and well received, the reality remains that the true emphasis of knowledge exchange within the university lies with the faculties. Licensing agreements also impose restrictions on access to the electronic resources by a larger user group. The traditional “closed door” policy due to the space shortage inevitably limits the library's ability to engage a wider community. Further studies need to be done on the investment and return of the book talks.

While it is often cited that public libraries are those that serve the community at large, this paper provides the perspective from an academic library viewpoint and emphasizes the view that such service should not be limited to public libraries alone and that academic libraries must play a role in community wellbeing.

The paper provides a practical example for academic libraries in attempting to play an active role in knowledge exchange and community engagement.

The purpose of this paper is to examine Hong Kong's future economic diversification prospects to become a high value‐added knowledge‐based economy.

This paper is a view of the knowledge‐based economic development of Hong Kong and its potential future prospects since its re‐unification with China. It is important to have a good understanding of the past before trying to predict the future.

The key message is that Hong Kong now needs a “horizontal” support structure, a good understanding of how things work in a globalized knowledge economy, continuation of the “free market” structure and a lightweight facilitation system that supports all high‐value added economic activities in Hong Kong.

The papers provides an original viewpoint on the potential for Hong Kong's knowledge‐based economic development, in line with the rise of China as a global economic power.

The purpose of this paper is to explain how post-1997 Hong Kong has been perceived in Taiwan and to critically evaluate the demonstration effects of Hong Kong under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy on cross-strait relations.

“Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” has become a dominant discourse in cross-strait relations in recent years. The paper has adopted discourse analysis of selected texts during and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement to elucidate the disapproval of the developments of post-handover Hong Kong and the construction of the Movement’s self-identity.

It has observed the following arguments which shaped the prevailing perceptions among critics of the “One Country, Two Systems” policy: political infiltration of China in Hong Kong could be extended to Taiwan in the sense that the Beijing authorities would adopt the identical approach to manipulate Taiwan through the cross-strait trading agreements; negative perceptions and images of China and Chinese capitals as a collective aggressor and a threat, raising fear and worries in both Hong Kong and Taiwan; and Kuomintang, as a ruling party at that time under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeoh, was dismissed by protesters as an incompetent gatekeeper and defender of Taiwan’s interests.

The pervasive sentiments and perceptions about post-1997 Hong Kong has been articulated discursively by the young activists in Taiwan and Hong Kong into a statement – “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” – which has brought about a somewhat unexpected bonding effect between Hong Kong and Taiwan through a strong disapproval of “One Country, Two Systems” and the China factor, which has be reproduced, delivered and circulated in both societies since 2014.